Why is Migration Governance so Important?

Migration governance can be defined as policies, laws or frameworks, to govern foreign nationals. As of March 2023, over 117 million people have become forcibly displaced. Over 69% of refugees are hosted in their neighbouring countries, which are oftentimes low- or middle-income. Many of these countries do not have measures to govern foreign nationals which leaves them unprotected and vulnerable.

Without migration governance, displaced persons are stuck in limbo. They are often left in protracted refugee situations which can average 20 years or more. This means that displaced persons are unable to integrate into their hosts’ economy and can be subjected to strict encampment policies, arbitrary arrests and detention, harassment and discrimination, human trafficking, abuses in many forms, and so much more.

Refugee situations are unique because they do not fall under typical aid criteria. Notably, aid can be understood as humanitarian programming which supports natural disasters such as floods, or development programming which supports economic opportunities such as livelihood training. Refugees thereby fall between the cracks.

Historically, refugee situations have been funded through the humanitarian aid model. This has been coupled with qualifying for durable solutions which can be understood as being integrated into the host country, returning to their country of origin when/if it becomes safe, or being repatriated to a third country if the other two solutions are unviable. Yet as the refugee crisis has intensified, less than 4% of refugees are qualified to benefit from one of the three solutions.

Both refugee populations and host countries rely on international donors to support the vulnerable population. Donors however are reaching a peak and are becoming fatigued to provide ongoing aid for protracted refugee situations, and would prefer to prioritize sudden onset natural disasters, such as the earthquakes in Syria.

In recent years, the refugee crisis has become insurmountable. Ongoing and newly developed conflicts, poverty, inequality, discrimination, poor governance, lack of resources, environmental degradation, food insecurity among others are the main drivers of displacement. UNHCR[1] reported the number of people displaced has more than doubled as compared to a decade ago.

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So, if the number of people being forcibly displaced is growing year to year, how should the international community react?

This became the focus in 2015 at the outset of the Syrian migration crisis. As Syrians fled their war-torn country and set sail to Europe, European leaders recognized their inability to extend infinite resources to the global demand. The answer then became socio-economic inclusion for displaced persons.  In 2016, world leaders convened in New York to host the New York Declaration (NYD). The NYD birthed the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) which established a set of commitments to enhance the protection of refugees and migrants. The CRRF has four key objectives:

1. Ease pressure on host countries

2. Enhance refugee self-reliance

3. Expand access to third-country solutions and

4. Support conditions in countries of origin for return in safety and dignity

Self-reliance counteracts the claim that refugee populations are a burden and is an important part of understanding how to approach the refugee situation in the future. Self-reliance can be defined as the “social and economic ability of an individual, a household or a community to meet essential needs (including protection, food, water, shelter, personal safety, health and education) in a sustainable manner and with dignity. Achieving self-reliance enables refugees to participate in the social and economic life of their host communities and contribute to rebuilding their countries should they be able to return home”[2],[3].

Ultimately, self-reliance will end aid-dependency, which can be achieved through creating, strengthening and implementing migration governance. This will protect refugees’ rights, integrate them into the economy, increase the host country’s GDP and benefit all of us globally.

For more information about migration governance, check out the Migration Data Portal to see which countries have some form of policy, program or structure to manage migration.


[1] UNHCR (2022) Global Trends. https://www.unhcr.org/globaltrends.html#:~:text=Global%20Trends%202021-,Refugees,million%2C%20during%20the%20same%20period.

[2]UNHCR. Why Self-Reliance. https://www.unhcr.org/44bf3e252.pdf

[3]Refugee Self-Reliance Initiative (2021). Refugee Self-Reliance and the Global Compact on Refugees: Unpacking Barriers and Opportunities for Success.  https://globalrightsdefenders.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/9d227-srcivilsocietyreport_dec21.pdf

[4] For refugees to be return home; legally settle in host country; or resettle in a third country

Europe’s War on Refugees

With the aftermath of the Afghanistan and Ukrainian conflicts, and unprecedented 100 million people around the world have been displaced[1]. European frontier countries such as Spain, France, Italy and Greece receive a disproportionate amount of refugees as compared to other Schengen countries. Many arrive from along the Central Mediterranean route, where Migrant boats leave from Libya and cross the Mediterranean sea to Malta or Italy.

According to the International Organization for Migration, over 650,000 migrants from over 41 nationalities arrived in Libya in 2022[2].

Since 2014, there have been over 20,000 deaths of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea. Roughly 1,900 in 2021 alone[3]. The accurate number of deaths cannot be ascertained, as some of the bodies of those who’ve drowned were never recovered. During the 2016 European refugee crisis, over 5000 lives were lost on the Mediterranean Sea, on average 6 per day, making the Central Mediterranean route the deadliest in the world[4].

With climate change, conflict, and economic collapse, the number of displaced people globally is growing. The 2016 refugee crisis revealed major shortcomings in how the EU manages refugees, migrants and asylum seekers. This sparked heated conversation within the EU, and materialized into a series of sequential agreements, policies, and laws that landed on the newly designed EU framework which aimed to manage and normalize the new face of migration for the long term.

Part of this agreement was to invest in external border controls within the EU. FrontEx was established to reinforce national border fences, protect EU external borders, and ensure tighten passport controls existed across EU’s external border. FrontEx has the capacity to go beyond frontier countries, where they have the mandate and manpower to patrol countries where the migrant flows originate from. This is an attempt to thwart migration at its source.

The budget since onset of FrontEx has grown exponentially. From just under €100-million in 2014, EU’s multiannual framework for 2022-2029 forecasts €5.6-billion will be spent, which can be surmised as €800-million per annum. These funds are growing towards building personnel, purchasing and adapting new technologies, and increasing overall reach[5]. For instance, in 2020 FrontEx was granted a €50-million contract to the defense arm of airbus and Israel airbus industries to operate maritime surveillance with drones[6]. Though these drones are not capable of carrying weapons, an additional €50-million contract was awarded to a separate Israeli weapons manufacturer to use drones to survey the same region.

According to international and EU law, naval patrols are obligated to assist vessels in distress. Drones therefore operate outside of said laws and are not legally obligated to assist and or deliver migrants to shore[7].

Other preventative tactics have been through humanitarian or economic incentives. According to ODI, between 2014-2016, Europe spent €17-billion trying to reduce refugee and migrant numbers before they arrived at European shorelines[8]. This has been spent in Libya’s surrounding countries such as Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Niger, Chad, Sudan and Egypt.

In Tunisia, Italy spent €200-million in aid and credit lines to Tunisian citizens to create jobs and was given to stem the flow of migrants[9]. Niger was paid over €1-billion in development aid to stop the flow of migrants[10]. Germany was sending development aid to Chad for €300-million even though Chad has an abysmal human rights record[11]. In 2018, Sudan made a $200-million migration deal with the EU to stop the flow of migrants[12]. In 2022, the European commission provided €80-million euros to Egypt’s coast guard for “better equipment”[13]. In 2022, Italian energy group Eni signed an energy deal with Algeria’s Sonatrach to gradually raise flows in the transmed pipeline. As a result, Algeria plans to grant residency rights and job permits to illegal migrants as a way of responding to the shortage of agriculturalists[14].

Europe will threaten to cut development or humanitarian aid programming if Libya’s neighbouring countries do not stop the flow of migration. Many of Libya’s neighbouring countries lack a clear and legal framework to manage migrants or asylum seekers, or to govern asylum in general. Libya for instance still does not have one. In 2008, Algeria adopted Law No. 08-1 which made it more difficult to migrants to normalize their status in Algeria, forcing many to leave or work informally at risk of detention or deportation[15].

There are no safeguards in place to ensure the funds are being allocated appropriately. Many of the deals use ambiguous language, suggesting it is up to the receiving country or aid group to determine use of funds. Unfortunately, this leads to the creation of new unlawful institutions or enriching questionable organizations with funds which legitimize their actions. For instance, Libya has received more than €327-million from the EU to stem the flow of migrants[16]. Libya does not have a unified government, where these huge sums of money have been diverted amongst the intertwined networks of militia, human traffickers, and the Libyan coast guard.

Though these funds are detailed by the EU to provide humanitarian aid, or equipment for Libya’s coast guard, it has been found these funds are directly going into the pockets of those who receive them. They have been repurposed to strengthen trafficking networks, detainment centers, and militia strengthening. Detainment in Libya is through both official and unofficial detention centers where migrants have cited abuse, sexual exploitation, starvation, slavery, and other human rights abuses. Critica Research & Analysis (2020) stated “an entire government unit has profited from the trafficking, detainment and human rights abuse of migrants”[17].


[1] UNHCR (2022) More Than 100 Million People are Forcibly Displaced

[2] European Council (2022) Migration Flows in the Central Mediterranean Route

[3] UN (April 29, 2022) Deaths at Sea on Migrant Routes to Europe Almost Double, Year on Year

[4] UN (January 30, 2019) ‘World’s Deadliest Sea Crossing’ Claimed Six Lives a Day in 2018: UN Refugee Agency

[5] Europol (2022) Finance & Budget

[6] Airbus (October 20, 2020) European Border and Coast Guard Agency (FrontEx) Selects Airbus and its Partner IAI for Maritime Aerial Surveillance with Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems (RPAS)

[7] Jolly, J (October 20, 2020) Airbus to Operate Drones Searching for Migrants Crossing the Mediterranean. The Guardian

[8] Hargrave H, Foresti M, Massa I, Dempster H, & Rea J. Europe Spends Over €17 Billion to Curb Migration. ODI

[9] Gumuchian, M-L (April 5, 2011) Italy, Tunisia sign Deal to Ease Migrant Crisis. Reuters

[10] Penney J (August 25, 2018) Europe Benefits by Bankrolling an Anti-Migrant Effort. Niger Pays a Price. New York Times

[11] DW Learn German. Many Question the EU’s Financial Support of Chad

[12] Chander, C (January 30, 2018) Inside the EU’s Flawed $200 million Migration Deal with Sudan. The New Humanitarian.

[13] Middle East Monitor (June 20, 2022) Concerns for Human Rights as EU Promises Egypt $84M in Migration Deal

[14] Wallis E (July 19, 2022) Gas, Migration, and Business on Agenda as Italy Signs Further Accords with Algeria. Info Migrants

[15] Pistoia D (July 10, 2019) Why Algeria is Emptying Itself of African Migrant Workers. The New Humanitarian

[16] Michael M, Hinnant L, & Brito R (December 30, 2019) Making Misery Pay: Libya Militias Take EU Funds for Migrants. AP News

[17] Nadia Al-Dayel, Aaron Anfinson & Graeme Anfinson (2021): Captivity, Migration, and Power in Libya, Journal of Human Trafficking, DOI: 10.1080/23322705.2021.1908032, p.5